West Africa: Private Military Firms Undermine France's Quiet Exit From West Africa

France has restructured its military presence in recent months, closing most of its historic bases in West Africa. However, the arrival of private military companies employing French personnel is undermining the discretion sought by army headquarters in Paris.

According to Peer de Jong, a naval colonel who now heads Themiis, a security, defence, and services company (ESSD) operating in Mauritania, former French soldiers are highly valued for their deep knowledge of African war zones, where they have often been deployed. And, in West and Central Africa, the French language remains a key advantage.

"It's a small world!" he told told RFI's defence correspondent, Franck Alexandre. "French ex-military personnel have an excellent reputation. And then, Anglo-Saxons don't speak French, and that's essential for operating in Africa. The number two at the private security group Bancroft is Frenchman Richard Rouget."

Rouget is a former paratrooper. If Bancroft wants to work in the Central African Republic, according to de Jong, they'll hire French personnel.

For France, military emergencies and priorities have shifted due to the war in Ukraine. While European armies must now prepare for a potential high-intensity conflict, the fight against jihadism in the Sahel has become a lower priority.

After Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, the historic bases in Chad, and then in Côte d'Ivoire were handed over at the start of 2025.

Private defence

The reduction in French personnel has left a vacuum in Africa, increasingly filled by private military companies offering their services to states seeking to outsource a wide range of missions -- from logistical support and site security to training and even the protection of public figures.

The Alliance of Sahel States, originally established as a mutual defence pact between Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso in September 2023, employs the services of Russian proxy forces -- initially the Wagner Group, and later Africa Corps.

Many other nations have turned to different private military firms, including the Chinese company Beijing DeWe, which is securing the construction of the Mombasa-Naivasha railway line in Kenya. Meanwhile, mercenaries from Sadat, an international Turkish defence consultancy, are playing an increasingly prominent role in Libya.

In West Africa, private military companies are securing a growing number of contracts. British and American firms, with their extensive expertise in the field, are enjoying notable success.

Recruitment of French personnel is on the rise. Companies such as Bancroft Global Development (USA), G4S (UK, specialising in the management of sensitive installations and secure transport), the Development Initiative (UK, based in Bermuda and specialising in mine clearance), Relyant Global LLC (USA, based in Tennessee, offering logistics and mine clearance services), and Erinys (UK, specialising in risk management and security provision in conflict zones) have all hired former French military staff for operations in Africa.

Western military sources told RFI that the American company Amentum is currently deploying several former French soldiers across Benin, Mali, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic, Guinea, and even Somalia.

These personnel include at least two former legionnaires and a former telecommunications technician who previously worked at the French Ministry of the Armed Forces. They are serving as part of the US State Department's AfriCap programme.

Private companies and NGOs are increasingly turning to such security expertise, according to a senior French officer who closely monitors the evolving risk landscape in Africa.

"In French-speaking regions, where former French military personnel are recognised and respected, where they've previously served, know the terrain, and maintain their networks... Naturally, this appeals to American and British companies," he explained.

A well-informed source within the armed forces questioned whether this situation should be considered normal.

"These former soldiers remain loyal to France and carry out their duties on the ground," he told RFI's Franck Alexandre. "But should we not have French private military companies operating under the control of local authorities? As it stands, French law does not permit this."

France missing out

The growing presence of private military companies in Africa comes as no surprise to Peer de Jong. "In France, we don't have this tool. We have never privatised the military, so we are lagging behind. Today, the Russians, the Chinese, the Turks, and the Americans dominate this expanding market."

He also emphasises the strong desire for sovereignty among African states.

"They no longer want a French army; they want service providers--men in civilian clothing," de Jong adds.

French law, however, prohibits and penalises mercenary activity involving the use of force and weapons.

"For people in Africa, a white man who speaks French and carries a weapon, even in civilian clothes, is still seen as a French soldier or an agent of the DGSE [foreign intelligence service]," a member of staff at army headquarters in Paris told RFI.

But de Jong believes France is simply missing out on a growing market.

"The Directorate of Defence Intelligence and Security [DRDS, a French intelligence agency] constantly expresses concern over former French soldiers joining private military companies. They argue it damages the image of the armed forces. However, private military companies are a highly effective tool of influence and, what's more, they are inexpensive, as they are funded by donors such as the European Union."

The French army is also contending with major disinformation campaigns in Africa, orchestrated by Moscow and its proxies in the Wagner Group. These campaigns have significantly altered both France's military posture and its communications strategy on the continent.

For over a decade, people have accused French soldiers of committing crimes or seeking to revive "Françafrique". These narratives continue to fuel widespread belief in the existence of secret French bases in Benin and Nigeria..

"This false information circulates widely and even influences discussions within circles of power," a French soldier recently returned from West Africa told RFI. "It's pure misinformation with no foundation, but proving that something doesn't exist is extremely difficult."

For now, all these experts agree that France is not prepared to officially deploy soldiers--whether from the regular army or private security firms--to Africa again.

The article originally appeared on RFI.